The Peculiar Predicament of Syrian Christians

Salam Kawakbi
15/8/2012

When it comes to Syria, the plight of religious minorities is one of the primary issues that garner great attention among news outlets and foreign ministries of “concerned” countries; to a point that it delays the adoption of clear stances and policies, as is the case with [US Secretary of State] Clinton’s statements for the need to reassure minorities in any operation leading to political transformation towards democracy, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov’s threats concerning the protection of Christians, and the Vatican’s contradictory statements that sometimes expressed worry about the fate of Christians following the regime’s change, and other times denied them being subjected to any abuse by those advocating freedom. We also find that statements by some official representatives of the Church only exacerbate those fears and aggravate the impression that danger is imminent, which necessitates supporting an oppressive regime because it protects minorities.

The political opposition was perhaps late in producing clear and reassuring statements that define the common future of all Syrians, particularly the minorities among them. It would seem that the opposition’s choice was to address itself to Syrians in general and not to Christian or Alawite Syrians, etc. This discourse has now become clearer in the opposition’s espoused policies, even those dealing with religious matters, notwithstanding some behaviors on the part of military factions that only serve to bolster the fear that those not belonging to the majority’s religion would suffer an uncertain fate.

It is no longer useful to dwell on past glories and the important roles that Christians played in the public arena, without worthy mention going to Syrian society’s intrinsic acceptance of [ethno-religious] diversity. Such reviews of the past have become cumbersome at this complicated stage, which is one that is witnessing many new elements emerge concerning the oppressive regime’s administration of said diversity by drawing in representatives of all religions and taking advantage of their differences and conflicts, further reinforcing, developing and instilling extremism between them. On the other hand, those studying the Syrian arena must become aware of the country’s recent political past and the role that all its citizens played in establishing this nation-state whose history was rendered inconsequential by tyrannical rule. Observers can thus analyze the contributions of people belonging to all religions and sects towards achieving independence from the Ottoman Empire, and later from the French Mandate, and the creation and development of political parties, the press, and civil movements within the state.

Statements made by some Church officials transform Syrian Christians into mere foreigners who must either remain neutral or back a regime that oppresses all of society’s factions. With each passing day, the divide widens between those officials and their congregations, which look, as do other Syrians, with grave concern to the future of their country. It also widens between the church and its priests on the ground who perform tremendous humanitarian feats in support of a peaceful popular movement. No one can question the patriotism of Syria’s Christian; in fact they may be, in a general sense, the best qualified to bestow the honor of patriotism on others; they also are in no need for representatives who sully their unique historical image and the level to which they integrate in society, forgetting the words that the Syrian thinker and author, Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi, said concerning the nature of tyranny: “Let us agree on the same principles of long live the nation, long live the country, and may we live free and proud.”

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